This discussion reminds me of a wise comment that Albert Reynolds made about the tax system during his time as Minister for Finance.
"Tax reform is a complex task requiring a balanced approach. The solutions are not always simple. Very often simplicity is the enemy of equity."
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Reynolds also said once (I'm paraphrasing, and maybe not doing him full justice) "the only meaningful tax reform is tax reduction". Again, wise in its own way.
Surely allowances are simpler, and should be part of the reform. If you have a sales rep on the road 5 days a week, surely it is easier to have a fixed lunch allowance of €10 per day, rather than to be collecting receipts and taking away the pint of beer that he bought with his own money but is on the same receipt etc.
Yes, I'm aware of that. Jim's suggestion seemed to be a retrograde step to me, which is why I queried it.
I suspect (though I have no direct knowledge) that in the example you give about cutting dole for younger people, there would be policy papers prepared and reviewed in Dept Social Protection around a policy change like this. It would be great if these papers were published by default. If not, you could probably get your hands on them via FOI if you were so minded.
Orga,
Your post is titled “Reform the tax code – actually do it!”
Therefore, you must think there is something wrong with the current tax code, regardless of how it was devised and of the transparency or otherwise of governmental analytics and decisions.
Can you set out, in points, what you think is wrong with the taxation system and specify which taxes you are looking to reform?
Yes, I can see the issue here, though I’m not sure about practical solutions. Political parties really don’t have access to the depth of resources needed to produce the depth of analysis you propose, unless or until they get into Government. Take Universal Health Insurance for example – both Labour and FG had UHI as their preferred health funding policy prior to getting into Govt. They have both had the policy for some time, in Labour’s case, back to before the 2007 general election or earlier. So it automatically came into the joint Programme for Government.But, the key issue is that the policy paper very often follows the political decision rather than engendering an open discussion which leads to policy formation. This is often the case because political parties form governments on the basis of a negotiated programme for government. In instances where there has been a change of government, the incoming government has no access to the ACTUAL figures other than rudimentary confirmation of figures by the Dept of Finance in advance of taking office. This, in addition to the negotiated nature of the policy programme means that policy decisions are not well-informed in very many cases.
Yes, I can see the importance of taking a broader view, rather than just the two options. However, this is also not trivial to solve. In almost every policy scenario, there are an almost unlimited set of policy options available. And for each of those policy options, there are an almost unlimited set of policy options for inter-related policies, each of which will have impacts of the outcomes of this policy. So where does the analysis start and end?In general, policy papers should set out the case for and against particular options. In practice policy papers only argue one option. See here for the policy paper on the changes to junior cycle education as one example: [broken link removed]
(I'm not engaging on whether the changes are a good idea or not - am just pointing out that policy tends to show just one option)
Where legislative changes are needed these are obliged to be accompanied by a document called a regulatory impact analysis. This analysis should set out the impacts of making the change, and of not making the change. In a significant number of instances the RIA is not done, and in almost all instances it contains a dreadfully poor level of analysis. This analysis is almost always centred on cost, as if no other principle matters, regardless of the actual nature of the legislation.
When one examines RIAs in detail, you can see that they provide two options exclusively:
1. Do nothing
2. Implement the change which is proposed
My argument is that if you were to put your investment in the hands of a broker who gave you just two options i.e. do not invest, or put it in just one specific fund, then it wouldn't be long before you started to get worried about your investment. But, here, the issues are more nebulous, things like quality of life, access to services and so on. There are no robust systems in place nationally to report widely on such issues. So, unlike the investment adviser example where you can see your money dwindle away in a very clear way, can you see how well or badly the social structures funded by the taxes you pay are improving or disimproving? Unfortunately, I think not.
Interesting examples there, and it does seem like the Harbours one was particularly skimpy. There may be questions about what stage in policy development the RIA occurs. If it is done as a tick-boxing exercise before the final legislation is passed by Cabinet, it is probably not a valuable support to the policy development process.For anyone interested in what an RIA is like here is a link to an RIA on the Harbour Act (2008):
[broken link removed]
In my view, this is a poor RIA and you will see that when you turn to the analysis of options on page 3 of 11. Most RIAs look like this. Note the wording that is used throughout: "view of" and terms which show that the opinion is already formed and set.
Lest I be accused of being overly negative, here is an RIA which is better. It's from the Department of the Environment and is about waste management:
http://www.environ.ie/en/Environment/RHLegislation/FileDownLoad,30784,en.pdf
When I say it is better, I mean that the quality of analysis is better than what you generally find. It doesn't mean that I believe the decisions reached are necessarily correct, wholly or in part. If I remember correctly this issue generated a lot of debate and the ESRI got involved as well (I may be "mis-membering")
Finally, here is a link to an EPA (US) RIA and you should notice that upfront it mentions social costs/effects as well as the economic costs. The issue the paper covers is that of reducing sulphur emissions. The quality of the analysis leaves our own analysis in the shade.
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You might be a bit unfair to the Irish guys about the lack of social costs/effects, as I know some of this analysis is done outside of the RIA. This is definitely the case for papers going to Cabinet.
Fully agree with this.You have a good point RainyDay about the capacity to undertake analysis. What your point shows, I believe, is two things:
1. the analysis existing in the system i.e. the civil service analysis needs to be made available
2. the analysis which outside agents undertake needs to be leveraged, and yes, many of them have a lobbying bias, but still this analysis has utility
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