Brendan Burgess
Founder
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1) House prices will fall by 50% and the banks will go bust - An undeniable hit.
McWilliams identified the bubble in house prices, but did not understand its implications for bank solvency. Kelly got this exactly right.
I stand to be corrected on this, but my recollection of MK's basis for default was that interest rates were going to increase to an unstainable level and this in turn would precipate loan defaults and ultimately effect the collapse in the housing market. If I am correct in my recollection, while his forecast was proved correct, the basis for that forecast was incorrect. I recall an internal bank discussion at that time, rejecting his forecast on the basis that the ECB would not permit such a massive increase in rates as was forecast by MK.
and from the introduction:Looking at house price cycles across the OECD since 1970, we find a strong relationship between the size of the initial rise in price and its subsequent fall. Were this relationship to hold for Ireland, it would predict falls of real house prices of 40 to 60 per cent over a period of 8 to 9 years. The unusually large size of the Irish house building industry suggest that any significant house price fall that does occur could impose a difficult adjustment on the economy.
andAny sudden fall of residential investment to normal international, and national historical, levels, could have a substantial impact on national income, government finances, and unemployment:
BrendanBefore looking at what these numbers may imply for Ireland, it is necessary to dispose of the idea that Irish house prices merely reflect strong fundamentals: rising income and increased household formation due to the age structure of the population, declining household size, rising employment, and immigration.
This argument is hard to sustain. If the rise in house prices were due to in
creased income and more people needing somewhere to live, we would have observed rents rising alongside house prices. Figure 4 shows how house prices have risen far faster than either rents or income. In fact, while rents doubled relative to income between 1995 and 2000, the ratio has remained unchanged since. The failure of rents to rise, along with the number of recently built units that have been bought but are lying empty (FitzGerald, 2005), suggests that the Irish housing market has left the dull world of fundamental values far behind it.
5.2 MACROECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES
House price falls have three effects. First, households feel less wealthy and con sume less. Evidence from the United States points to a final long-run marginal propensity to consume from housing wealth of around 10 per cent: a $100,000 rise in property values, increases household consumption eventually by a total of $10,000 (Carroll, Otsuka and Slacalek, 2006). Second, banks face more bad loans, and become more cautious in their lending, leading to further falls in creditworthiness through the standard financial accelerator. Finally, the value of Tobin's q for residential investment falls, reducing house building. Most countries devote about 5 per cent of national income to building houses and in a typical housing bust, this falls to around 4 per cent of national income.
In most cases then, housing busts are uncomfortable, but not macroeconomically disastrous events. How about Ireland? There is some evidence that the wealth effect on consumption might not be as strong as in the United States: there has been no fall in personal saving in Ireland during the housing bubble, and households have not consumed home equity through second mortgages (Hogan and O'Sullivan, 2006).
Similarly, the larger banks which dominate lending are well capitalised and the banking system has, until recently at least, avoided the worst excesses of the subprime mortgage market, although it is likely that many interest-only and 100 per cent mortgages could go sour, especially given the ease with which delinquent borrowers can relocate to England.
It is the scale of the Irish house building industry that makes a fall in house prices potentially troubling. While most economies derive only 5 per cent of their income directly from residential construction, in Ireland house building accounts for around 15 per cent of national income.
Effectively, the recent growth of the Irish economy looks similar to the unstable case of an old-fashioned multiplier-accelerator model. The employment growth in the Celtic Tiger period of the 1990s led to increased demand for housing, reflected in rising real house prices and rent to income ratios. This stimulated house building, which generated more employment, leading to more demand for housing, and so on. Effectively, the Irish economy has come to be driven by building houses for all the people whose jobs have come, directly or indirectly, from building houses.
It is hard to envisage how a fall in house building from 15 per cent to 5 per cent of national income might be achieved without considerable macroeconomic dislocation. Building booms, moreover, tend to end suddenly: the example of Arizona in the summer of 2006 shows how a housing market can move in the space of a few months from buyers queuing overnight to buy, to empty tracts of new houses being priced below construction cost and still failing to sell.
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