T McGibney
Registered User
- Messages
- 6,962
Indeed.It is the marginal tax rate that influences people's decision to work additional hours, strive for better skills that will increase their labour value, move to better paid but harder jobs etc. That's what matters. It's "How much will I be left with if I do X?". High marginal tax rates disincentives hard work.
The industry & its related vested partners have plenty of potential to reform efficiency - the housing system here is not world class by any metric.Is it your argument that a corrupt construction industry has conspired to prevent itself from building houses and apartments for all of the last 15 years?
If not, what is your argument, as I'm baffled?
There is limited potential to reform practices when a sector is almost entirely suffocated by Government edict.The industry & related partners have plenty of potential to reform efficiency - the housing system here is not world class by any metric.
The baked in inflated costs from start to finish have affected demand , such that the product is out of reach except for the very fortunate..
No need to be baffled, look elsewhere for solutions.
Yes, public admin here is poor and it suits all parties except the consumer.There is limited potential to reform practices when a sector is almost entirely suffocated by Government edict.
Alot of those piggies aren't getting their feet mucky on the sites, there is a whole safety bureaucracy associated with construction, it doesn't add materially to the actual safety but the bureaucracy must be satisfied before any shovel can be put in ground and that adds considerably to costsLots of piggies have their noses in the trough.
In Ireland the first sales of council houses were by the Fine Gael / Labour coalition of the 1970s. It was largely a Labour policy. There was nothing neoliberal about it. Working class people were simply unable to obtain mortgages in those days, so selling council housing was the only way for many workers to obtain the benefits of home ownership. In those days Ireland’s unemployment rate increased from 5% to 16%, and workers emigrated mainly to the UK.Labour Market - CSO - Central Statistics Office This reduced demand for council housing so there was no need to build any.Along with it the neo liberal idea of selling all the social homes and not providing anymore.
I read the Irish Times' resident Shinner Spokesperson accuse Leo Varadkar of being neo-liberal a while ago.
Una, future Shinner Government Spokesperson, Mullaly.Which of them?
There was a time when such a journalist would have been an outlier, but nowadays, it's the non-Shinner IT journalist that's the exception.
Una, future Shinner Government Spokesperson, Mullaly.
She has mentioned them in some of her articles as her role as an apologist for the Shinners.A shoo-in: she ticks almost every box - although I don't know where she stands on the Wolfe Tones!
I think you've some good points here - but I wanted to jump in and explain the rationale for mixed tenureship (or part V in itself). There's a perception that its been done in some way to promote a right wing ideology around housing, but for decades there was a particular issue with large social housing schemes degrading very quickly into considerable levels of social deprivation with anti social behaviour, crime and lack of opportunity. Ballymun is the classic example (the location and collapse in Dublin city councils maintenance exacerbated that) but the better example is the largest scheme which finished in the late 1970s in Limerick with over 1200 homes. In 1982 then tv presenter Mary McAleese said it was a bomb waiting to go off and by 1992 local rep Jim Kemmy was raising the issue of boarded up homes in the estate in the Dail:No offense taken. The idea of posting this was the refine it and open discussion. I could remove the two part V paragraphs and I think it might still make sense. They were put in there to provide context about mixed income/mixed tenure developments that are then later referenced, which plays an important part of social housing provision.
Part V itself is not the main issue. The gist of the issue is that three different tenants (social rental, cost rental and private rental/mortgage) in the same house type, in the same location pay three very different % of net income on housing and how with the way the system is set up, many people are potentially better off going for the subsidised social house tenure than any other tenure. Ie. They may have more disposable income and better protections. Part V has played a role in creating this situation. But the issue is with the vast differences in what is considered affordable, between tenure types.
Yes of course cutting house prices is going to be an unpopular opinion with many and difficult and complicated to achieve. Which is why I suggested two other options, widening social housing or standardsing what is considered affordable. The idea was to spread awareness of the issue rather than claim I have all the answers because there is no simple solution.
Edit: I have shortened it by removing the two part V paragraphs and simply referencing part V later on. Hopefully this helps shorten it and still makes sense.
Academic studies in the late 90s started to point at monoculture tenures as being significant factor in the degradation of such estates (as well as their considerable size and often poor locations). So there was an increasing unease about a continued policy, especially once the local loan fund was abolished in 1987 during that years new government round of cuts, about building new large council estates. And of course, by 1987, the lending scheme vanished making social build entirely dependent on central government largesse.Moyross is the largest housing estate in Limerick and is situated on the north side of the city. There are more than 1,200 houses in the estate. There are 294 houses in the Glenagross Park section of which 70 are boarded up. These houses were built approximately 15 years ago and they would cost between £35,000 to £40,000 each on the open market. This is an area of very high unemployment with about 80 per cent being unemployed and the percentage is even higher among early school leavers. Glue sniffing is rampant. The young boys who sniff glue have low self-esteem and little self-confidence. They also drink wine and cider in the area.
Approximately 70 houses have been vandalised in the area. Some have been burned out and it is like a sight from Beirut. The estate is situated in a lovely part of Limerick, in the shadow of the Clare hills, a very salubrious area bordering County Clare.
It was quite controversial at the time with even a suggestion that it might be unconstitutionalPart V refers to Part V of the Planning and Development Acts 2000 to 2021. The purpose of Part V is for the State to capture a portion of the increase in land value resulting from the granting of planning permission for residential development. The current Part V legislation provides for local authorities to acquire 20% of this land at existing use value and to utilise this land to deliver homes to those households who qualify for social and affordable housing support. The use of the land for the delivery of social, affordable purchase and cost rental housing satisfies a policy objective of encouraging integrated development and reducing housing segregation.
Of course, we do know that later in the tiger era, there were cases of councils allowing developers to "buy out" the council's part V commitment or relocating their part V obligations to a different development (as happened in Malahide where the part V obligations were delivered at the other end of the county in Balbriggan). The general purpose however, was NOT to displace council building, but to give social benefit back through the development process.Part V, which is a significant and important part, has had some amendment in the Dáil. I echo Senator Coogan's point in that it would be a travesty if an appeal to the Supreme Court happened and the Bill was held up for years as a consequence. Indeed, it could even be a delaying tactic. Given that property rights are so strongly enshrined in the Constitution – we would all subscribe to that and would not look for any change – it is important that the Bill does not find itself held up for a number of years by court proceedings. I do not know what can be done to ensure that does not happen but the housing needs of the people are such that initiatives are urgently needed.
There is a strong provision in the Bill with an emphasis on social housing and it will benefit the many people who find themselves on the margins, whether they are local authority applicants or have the possibility to aspire to home ownership of which we have a very proud record. It is important this section is implemented sooner rather than later. I hope some mechanism will be found to ensure there is not an undue delay in regard to it.
But do we really want more substandard homes? I mean, the debate on bedsits often missed out on the point that it was a very desirable form of housing for young people because it offered independence for young renters at the time they couldn't afford to buy or rent something nicer, but the UK has a horrendous problem with substandard social homes that there seems to be some evidence of it going to the point that tenants are dying from diseases caused by failures of their social landlords to maintain the properties to an adequate level.Another factor is the build specifications are too high, fire regulations, insulation and green agenda stuff adds massively to cost of building and slows down output especially in renovating existing properties. It's way higher here than in uk, if you ever look at the social housing in uk, the standard is lower and more basic than here but the corollary of that is that they have a far larger social housing inventory still in situ rather than derelict like alot of council stock in this country.
It is all very well to have high standards but surely quantity now is the priority, if they had council staff actually inspecting building construction like in uk we would rule our alot of legacy issues
You are talking about A1 or A2 rated new builds tho - a lot of the same tenure mixes occur organically over time as tenants rent privately owned properties, and now we have tenant-in-situ schemes where effectively these are purchased to become social homes.Whilst this may be true, I do have to agree this thread is starting to diverge into looking at a wide range of factors effecting house prices. However it's not really questioning policy issues on the current split provision of housing.
The main issue originally raised in my post is the disparity in the cost of housing between tenure types in the same developments. And how as a result people across a large range of income levels are better off on lower incomes in socially rented housing than larger incomes in other tenures.
Unless everyone is regarding the main solution to this to be the prices of housing being more affordable for purchase, relative to incomes.
Church of Ireland still actually provide cheap or free housing for some non clergy staff.‘It should not be allowed to happen’ – Anger as Ryanair buys bulk of Swords housing estate to accommodate staff
Local representatives have voiced anger after Ryanair bought almost an entire housing estate in Swords, close to its headquarters at Dublin Airport, to house staff.www.independent.ie
There is a history of businesses providing housing for staff.
I think the Quakers (Cadbury) and Guinness did it?
And now Ryanair.
Well yes, but unless you got one of these in the past ten years, they are not always great homesI would respectfully submit that the lifetime provision of public housing to an individual or family at an initial build cost of €200k-€400k and God knows what maintenance/upkeep, in return for minuscule to zero rents, is a subsidy benefit akin to winning the Lotto.
Again, I go back to the intended purpose of Part V - its the state to "capture value" in planning, rather than letting all the benefit go to the developer.Depends on how you build them. Look at the some of the part 8 local authority developments were they are purpose built (private tender) social and affordable purchase homes. They are designed with cost effectiveness in mind and generally cost less. €200k to €400k in today's post inflation prices. Some were sub 200k pre 2020, for example a development in Ballymun which geographically is a prime location in terms of proximity to the city centre.
Part V shows its flaws here. Take the Marianella "luxury" apartments for example. Or any of the numerous high end or "luxury" branded house/apartment developments. These homes can cost up to €1 million and with recent funding increases and housing pressures the council is compelled to pay up for 10% of the homes instead of taking land or property elsewhere etc. How is this in any way good value for public tax funds? Incredibly lucky for housing list tenants selected for them though.
They were not "moved" - a segment got social housing. Some emigrated and some, like my paternal grandparents, bought their own home from private developers. (My grandfather was a plumber who spent the war moving around the UK repairing bomb damaged drainage systems).The way I see it is that the difficulties now are by no means greater than they were in the past when people were moved from unsanitary decaying tenements into "modern" suburban homes.
Then we were a poor country, but rose to the challenge.
Now we are rich. As mentioned, we need ambition, ways and means rather than grinding mediocrity.
That's a trap tho - if you spend all your time and money at a time of vast population growth on older homes needing very considerable investment, or chasing the tails of owners who don't want to use their properties in the way the state or society wants, you are going to consume more effort than simply building and incentivising building new homes.There are certain things which can be done without building new houses. For instance, housing in Ireland is still seen as an investment vehicle as many people who don't trust pension funds. They are more interested in investing in brick and mortar which they see and control. For sure, government can make policies to ensure pension funds are more transparent.
The objective of retrofitting is to help the country meet its climate control commitments - it may have the effect of helping to prevent older homes falling into disrepair but that's not the primary goal.This is an important point. Building new houses requires construction workers, but we currently subsidize retrofitting. Young people may not want to do these jobs, as we can always import such workers from abroad, but, assuming the number of construction workers who wish to work in Ireland is limited, such workers are currently directed at state-subsidized retrofitting projects.
Retrofitting does not increase the number of dwellings. It has a slight welfare effect, i.e. a property owner may over time benefit from lower heating costs, but it has no productivity effect. You are not increasing the number of dwellings for rent/purchase. Basically, you are standing still and not directing labour towards an increase in housing supply. Building a new dwelling has a productivity effect. You can buy it and get a positive return on rental or can live there and get a positive return when you sell. To increase productivity at the national level and to provide dwellings for those who wish to buy/invest, considering labour and related constraints, public policy should be directed towards new builds and not retrofitting.
The OP could consider the above for inclusion in his document.
We use cookies and similar technologies for the following purposes:
Do you accept cookies and these technologies?
We use cookies and similar technologies for the following purposes:
Do you accept cookies and these technologies?